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Many embrace historic conspiracy theories. Other far-right extremist perspectives avoid any association with National Socialism (or Nazism) but are nevertheless driven by hatred of Jews and/or Muslims, migrants, and progressive culture. 3 Even within these groups, Jackson points out, not all by any means are committed to violence. Such groups “collectively develop a shared culture of radical opposition to mainstream society, idealizing a revolution in the name of the Aryan race,” according to Paul Jackson, a scholar who tracks contemporary neo-Nazism. Some specifically regard themselves as neo-Nazis. There are many differences among the groups and individuals who come under the generic umbrella of ‘far-right’ extremism. In some instances, as this article will show, U.S.-based individuals have spoken or written about how the training available in Ukraine might assist them and others in their paramilitary-style activities at home.īefore examining the nexus between far-right extremists in the United States and Ukraine, it is useful to define terms and outline recent trends. 2Īnalysis of social media communications, court documents, travel histories, and other connections shows that a number of prominent individuals among far-right extremist groups in the United States and Europe have actively sought out relationships with representatives of the far-right in Ukraine, specifically the National Corps and its associated militia, the Azov Regiment. However, the mobilization of far-right groups in Ukraine does not extend to political success in the 2019 parliamentary elections, they received little over two percent of the vote. These groups have bitterly opposed any suggestion of compromise with Russia over Donbas through the Normandy negotiating process and were prominent at another rally witnessed by the author in Kyiv in the fall of 2019 to oppose concessions floated by President Volodymyr Zelensky. The author witnessed one such rally in the Ukrainian capital Kyiv in October 2019. Most of these ‘foreign fighters’ appear to travel as individuals and at their own expense, according to the author’s review of many cases, but there is a broader relationship between the Ukrainian far-right, and especially its political flagship the National Corps, 1 and a variety of far-right groups and individuals in the United States and Europe.įar-right groups remain strong in Ukraine, with the ability to marshal thousands of supporters for protests and rallies, some of whom carry Nazi and white supremacist insignia.
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In recent years, some Americans and Europeans drawn to various brands of far-right nationalism have looked to Ukraine as their field of dreams: a country with a well-established, trained, and equipped far-right militia-the Azov Regiment-that has been actively engaged in the conflict against Russian-backed separatists in Donbas.
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Hundreds also travel between North America and Europe, with Ukraine emerging as a favored destination for a significant number of American far-right extremists. But their members frequently interact across borders and continents, thanks to encrypted messaging tools and online forums. Fragmented and loosely organized, they are difficult to track. Neo-Nazi and white supremacist groups are a growing preoccupation for security services and intelligence agencies in the United States and Europe. One common preoccupation for both individuals and groups has been the conflict in Ukraine, where a well-established far-right extremist movement and its associated militia have consistently engaged with and welcomed far-right ideologues and fighters from other parts of Europe and North America. This has helped them establish closer transnational contacts. Abstract: Neo-Nazi and white supremacist groups in the United States and Europe have become more active and dangerous in the last decade and have developed a much deeper online presence.